Faith Odhiambo: Two years of bold leadership at LSK

As the curtain gradually falls on Faith Odhiambo’s tenure at the helm of the Law Society of Kenya (LSK), her presidency leaves behind a trail of bold litigation, outspoken advocacy, and a leadership style that consistently placed the Society at the centre of national discourse.

Whether praised as a fearless defender of constitutionalism or criticised as overly confrontational and occasionally politically exposed, Odhiambo’s time in office has reshaped the recent identity of Kenya’s legal profession.

Elected in February 2024 and assuming office in March as LSK’s 51st president, Odhiambo entered at a moment of intense national tension, rising economic strain, youth unrest, and eroding public trust in institutions. By the time she hands over in March 2026, her presidency will be remembered as one of the most visible, activist-driven, and publicly engaged eras in LSK history.

At 38, Odhiambo became one of the youngest presidents ever elected to lead the LSK and notably only the second woman to hold the office after Raychelle Omamo, who served from 2001 to 2003, breaking a 21-year gender barrier.

Legal historians note that LSK has rarely had presidents below their early 40s, placing her leadership firmly in the “young reformist” category within the profession.

More significantly, she redefined what the professional body could mean in the life of ordinary Kenyans. Her presidency came after the tenure of Eric Theuri and, before him, Nelson Havi—an era marked by internal wrangles and public feuds that had left LSK fractured. Odhiambo brought a different energy: collaborative yet assertive, unifying yet uncompromising on constitutional principles.

As she prepares to hand over the helm, three seasoned lawyers—LSK Vice-President Mwaura Kabata, former Nairobi branch chair and senior counsel Charles Kanjama, and past runner-up Peter Wanyama—are competing to succeed her in elections scheduled for February 19, 2026.

Their campaigns reflect ongoing discussions about LSK’s future, including whether to deepen public advocacy or recalibrate toward member-centric service delivery.

Born in 1986 to an academic family—her father lecturing at Maseno University—Odhiambo’s path to the bar was unconventional.

Despite scoring a B in high school and missing admission to her dream university, she persevered, inspired by early experiences and the American legal drama The Practice. She earned a Bachelor of Laws from the Catholic University of Eastern Africa, a Diploma from the Kenya School of Law, and a Master of Laws in International Commercial Law from the University of Kent.

As a partner at Ombok & Owuor LLP and lecturer at the University of Nairobi’s School of Law, Odhiambo brought not just credentials but a deep conviction that law must serve social justice. Few LSK presidents before her were as physically present at protest sites, police stations, and late-night court sessions.

Defining moment

The defining moment of her presidency came during the 2024 Finance Bill protests, when thousands of young Kenyans, predominantly Gen Z, took to the streets decrying economic pressures and governance failures. As police crackdowns intensified, Odhiambo mobilised legal teams nationwide, demanded accountability for missing persons, condemned excessive force, and literally stood between protesters and the state machinery.

Nothing captured that period more vividly than July 3, 2024, when she stayed at Milimani Law Courts past midnight, representing over 185 arrested protesters. For over 12 hours, she had refused to leave, demanding justice for the protesters—including 18 children—rounded up by police in Nairobi CBD after objecting to the State’s attempt to hold them longer in different police stations.

At 2.47am, Milimani Magistrate Wandia Nyamu relented, releasing the protesters on personal bonds of Sh10,000 each pending investigations.

It was a small victory in a year defined by State overreach, but for many Kenyans—especially the Gen Z youths who had taken to the streets—it was proof that someone was fighting for them. For many young Kenyans, she began to be called “the People’s Chief Justice,” a moniker that would define her tenure.

“Faith has done a great job in promoting LSK’s role as a custodian of the rule of law,” says lawyer James WaNjeri, who worked closely with her during the protests. “During her tenure, there have been a lot of attempts to violate human rights, and she has led the entire Society in taking a stand against human rights abuses and abuse of power.”

The killing of activist Rex Masai, a young protester shot during anti-Finance Bill demonstrations, became a watershed moment. LSK filed litigation demanding accountability and seeking to prevent the use of unidentifiable plainclothes officers during protests.

The High Court ultimately ruled that all police officers deployed for public protests must be in uniform, identifiable, and not in plain clothes—a landmark decision emphasizing transparency and responsibility in policing.

Under Odhiambo, LSK pursued constitutional challenges that held former Inspector General Japhet Koome personally liable for unlawful police actions against striking medics and protesters. The High Court found Koome personally responsible under the doctrine of command responsibility, declaring he could even face criminal proceedings for the unconstitutional actions of officers under his command—a precedent that has jolted security circles.

In mid-2025, LSK announced plans to sue IG Douglas Kanja for contempt of court, arguing that police had flouted previous High Court orders related to protests and public assemblies.

Under Odhiambo, LSK didn’t just file cases against State actors; the society also facilitated or supported internal petitions challenging high-ranking government figures. For example, motions sought the delisting of Deputy President Kithure Kindiki and Interior CS Kipchumba Murkomen from the Roll of Advocates over gross misconduct and alleged roles in authorizing police crackdowns that led to deaths and disappearances during the Gen Z protests. These unprecedented moves demanded ethical accountability for leaders who are also advocates.

LSK also held crisis talks with police leadership to address harassment of lawyers representing protesters, insisting on disciplinary action where necessary.

The move illustrated LSK’s willingness to challenge State officials not just for misconduct but for disrespecting constitutional boundaries—a hallmark of Odhiambo’s confrontational approach.

Perhaps the most high-profile litigation during her tenure was a joint petition with the Kenya Human Rights Commission to block the secret 30-year lease of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to India’s Adani Group.

Filed on September 9, 2024, the case sought transparency and good governance, and the High Court issued temporary orders halting the takeover while judicial review proceeded.

Beyond headline cases, Odhiambo led challenges to the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, secured conservatory orders suspending enforcement, sought the immediate release of ICT expert Dennis Ndiangui, championed cases for victims of police brutality—including the families of Albert Ojwang (who died in police custody) and Felix Isaac Oketch Olwero (fatally shot by a police officer in August 2025)—and pursued litigation on forced disappearances.

On January 26, 2026, in one of her latest acts as president, Odhiambo met with Felix Oketch’s family.

“Felix was unarmed, not a suspect and posed no threat. Nevertheless, his constitutional rights were violated, leading to a fatal outcome,” she stated, calling for urgent investigations and prosecution.

Such personal engagement with victims’ families became a signature of her presidency: law was not abstract but lived in the lives of ordinary Kenyans. Her advocacy extended to defending the judiciary from executive attacks.

She also condemned incidents like the lobbing of teargas at congregants during a church service in Othaya where former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua was in attendance.

She launched task forces aimed at tackling inefficiency and corruption within the judiciary and land registries—moves welcomed by Chief Justice Martha Koome as aligned with the judiciary’s own vision for access to justice.

These initiatives spotlighted LSK not merely as a membership body but as a key driver of systemic change in Kenya’s justice sector.

Odhiambo didn’t neglect infrastructure development, including breaking ground on Wakili Towers, LSK’s new headquarters. “After 12 years of using a condemned building as our office, we have finally set off on a journey to have a new place all advocates can call home,” she announced. “Wakili Towers will stand as a physical reminder of an institution that has outlived political cycles, constitutional ruptures, and societal transitions.”

She championed mentorship programs for young lawyers, worked to ease barriers in the profession, and oversaw the admission of thousands of new advocates by Chief Justice Koome. 

She also fought for lawyers, including filing a challenge against a court order stopping engagement of private practitioners by public entities, calling it “an ill-advised onslaught on the livelihoods of our members” that threatened to unsettle the entire economic ecosystem, which is anchored in the reliance on competent professionals to support public service.

Missteps 

Yet for all her achievements, Odhiambo’s tenure was not without significant missteps.  The most consequential came in mid-2025 when President William Ruto appointed her vice chair of a government-established Panel of Experts on Compensation for Victims of Demonstrations and Public Protests.

For Odhiambo, it was framed as a principled opportunity to reform Kenya’s flawed victim reparations framework and serve the public from within. She clarified publicly that she did not work for the government or the opposition and intended only to uphold the constitution and protect citizen rights.

The decision drew backlash and fierce debate. Critics argued her involvement risked compromising the independence of LSK, blurring the lines between watchdog and executive collaboration.

Amid rising legal challenges and a High Court suspension of the panel’s operations, Odhiambo chose to resign from the compensation panel, citing the need to safeguard LSK’s independence and unity. She noted that the panel’s time-bound mandate was unlikely to be fulfilled under prevailing conditions.

Lawyer Levi Munyeri, one of her most vocal critics, says Odhiambo’s tenure significantly strengthened LSK’s role as a custodian of the rule of law. He adds that the outgoing president “did a great job” in promoting the Society’s watchdog role, noting that her collaborative approach gave young advocates the space to actively defend constitutionalism.

“With the opposition silent, the LSK under Faith Odhiambo stepped up in its mandate to defend the Rule of Law. We filed multiple Habeas Corpus Applications to seek the release of abducted persons. For this, she goes in history among the most consequential and celebrated LSK Presidents.”

“Unfortunately,” Munyeri continues, “Odhiambo almost ruined this legacy by accepting to serve in the unconstitutional Panel of Experts. She later came back to her constitutional senses and resigned.”

Munyeri’s critique extends to a structural challenge facing LSK presidents.“There are two major schools of thought within LSK: one insists that the president’s cardinal role is to focus on advocates’ welfare while the other advances that the President’s priority is to advance the Rule of Law and check on State excesses,” says Munyeri. “Whereas both roles are preserved in the LSK Act, it is difficult for the LSK President to balance them within the brief tenure of two years.”

Some senior advocates maintained that her high-profile activism risked overshadowing less glamorous but equally vital tasks, such as strengthening member services, expanding legal aid sustainably, or bolstering internal governance structures. The question remains: in a two-year presidency, can one leader effectively champion both constitutional battles and member welfare, or must they choose?

One of Odhiambo’s most underrated achievements was maintaining council unity. Unlike the Havi and Theuri eras, which were marked by public squabbles, bitter court battles, and internal discord that frequently paralyzed LSK’s operations, Odhiambo’s council worked cohesively. This wasn’t merely a cosmetic achievement; it enabled LSK to speak with one voice during critical moments.

“Her leadership was effective because she allowed a collaborative approach from all members,” says WaNjeri. “The LSK under Odhiambo’s leadership gave a platform for young lawyers to take up the reins of defending constitutionalism. This inclusiveness ensured that no member is left behind on account of youth. Through the LSK’s work in Court, taking a position on matters of public and national interest, and educating and engaging with the public was how they did it.”

Constitutional lawyer Willis Otieno concurs: “Faith has stayed true to the core objectives of the society in advancing the rule of law and protecting members’ interest and the general public.”

“She was able to steady the LSK ship united and devoid of squabbles that had marred previous councils while at the same time protecting constitutionalism and the rule of law.”