Why Kalonzo's calm resolve and Sifuna's fire are the winning bet
Politics
By
Sarah Elderkin
| Jun 21, 2026
I was excited to read that a TIFA poll had identified a Kalonzo Musyoka–Edwin Sifuna ticket as the hottest presidential pairing for 2027.
I am excited because this combination had been crystallising in my mind for some time as the only way to go.
In an imperfect world, these are the two people, among all the current pretenders to the throne, of whom one could confidently say that, while their records may not be entirely unblemished, they are absolutely the best we are likely to get. That is not to diminish either of them in any way, nor to disparage any of the others.
Yet, even with their possible foibles and contradictions, these two stand out for having clearly demonstrated, in their past public lives, exceptional moral fibre and sincere commitment.
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The prospect of this complementary duo bringing together youth and energy on the one hand, and age and experience on the other, is inspiring.
Sifuna, aged 44, is the comparatively new kid on the block, arriving with a charisma and fighting spirit that we see nowhere else. His exuberant energy has particularly resonated with young people, offering them a glimpse of what they have long yearned for and what could be achieved. Older voters, too, should rally behind him if they can recognise what is good for them.
Kalonzo, aged 73, is the elder statesman, a man carelessly vilified for years because of his calm and measured approach. A boorish electorate, apparently with no time for such quiet qualities, or no wisdom to appreciate them, has repeatedly erred towards loud-mouthed yet smooth-talking crooks and conmen.
There is a simple reason why people such as Raila Odinga and Kalonzo have always been kept at arm’s length from power. If such men ever gained office, those who have routinely engineered their “defeat” know that, once government records, especially financial records , were opened, their own geese would be cooked.
Kalonzo is underappreciated for his resilience under these pressures, as well as for repeatedly setting aside his own ambitions to support Raila, whom he correctly calculated stood the better chance of attracting potentially transformative nationwide support.
Such noble qualities in Kalonzo are rare and scarcely seen elsewhere in our political life. Interestingly, Sifuna has also stated on several occasions that “it is not about Sifuna”; that he is not pursuing office for its own sake, but rather seeking to work alongside like-minded people to place the country firmly on a different path.
These two men therefore share a moral and ethical inclination.
There is little doubt that such a partnership could provide the impetus for the longed-for turnaround in our national life, the key capable of unlocking the door that has been closed to us by unscrupulous greed, rampant corruption and a diabolical disregard for human life.
Growing list
At the other end of the spectrum is a growing list of potential aspirants who have little or no chance of attracting nationwide support, yet whose egos convince them they are “the one”.
Some will doubtless also be deliberate decoys, red herrings and smokescreens, designed to throw curveballs that distract public attention from what truly matters. Their presence on the ballot paper would, of course, also help split the vote.
Such individuals are buoyed by adulation, flattery and the numbers game, and some mistakenly convince themselves that these can somehow be transformed into nationwide backing.
I am not dismissing the genuine aspirants among them. It is admirable to believe in oneself, and they may possess certain virtues or be doing commendable work in their preferred areas. But to imagine that such qualities can automatically be translated into victory in a nationwide presidential election is both vainglorious and foolish.
These perennial also-rans need to take a sober look at reality and coolly assess both their own prospects and those of the nation.
For we have seen it time and again. Except in 2002, when something extraordinary happened through the combined appeal of two exceptional men united by chance — Raila and Mwai Kibaki — we have repeatedly watched in frustration as an initially united opposition falls victim to ambition, stumbles, eventually splits, and then loses heavily at the ballot box.
The pattern can be traced back to the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (Ford), formed in 1992 and soon split into Ford-Kenya under Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Ford-Asili under Kenneth Matiba.
That same year saw the rise of the Democratic Party under Mwai Kibaki, the Kenya Social Congress under George Anyona, the Kenya National Congress under Chibule wa Tsuma, the Party of Independent Candidates of Kenya under John Harun Mwau, and the Kenya National Democratic Alliance under David Mukaru Ng’ang’a. All of these men appeared on the presidential ballot in 1992.
The Kanu candidate, Daniel arap Moi, who presided over a regime plagued by corruption and human rights abuses, retained the presidency with 1,962,866 votes.
Yet even though the 1992 General Election was one in which we in Ford-Kenya identified 21 separate methods of state-sponsored rigging, the combined presidential vote for the opposition stood at 3,437,458 — almost double Moi’s tally.
Had they united behind a single candidate, they would have won and might have changed the course of history.
Those misguided aspirants of 1992, each convinced that he was “the one”, have much to answer for. And we must identify our best chance of avoiding a repetition of that grave mistake.
Cometh the hour...
The duo
Sifuna, currently the Nairobi Senator and Deputy Chief Whip in the Senate, may have come to wider public prominence only relatively recently, but he has a long history of standing up for justice, particularly against legal malpractice and institutional wrongdoing.
A qualified advocate with many years of practice, he was a regular columnist for The Star more than a decade ago, writing extensively about integrity issues within the legal profession and speaking out against intrigues within the Judiciary, especially within the Judicial Service Commission (JSC).
He publicly accused the JSC of “going rogue”, citing its failure to follow due process, its misinterpretation of the law, witch-hunts and the manufacture of accusations to pursue private vendettas.
Among other public criticisms he levelled at legal and institutional failures, he was also at the forefront of efforts to audit the affairs of the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) after its council allegedly inflated the cost of the proposed Nairobi Centre for International Arbitration. Under the scheme, mandatory contributions amounting to tens of thousands of shillings were being demanded from every LSK member.
A court order had already raised questions about the project’s accountability and transparency, and a tense LSK meeting descended into chaos after Sifuna moved a motion calling for the project to be scrapped entirely and for five firms to be invited to conduct a forensic audit of the council’s affairs over the preceding four years.
Later that same year, in 2015, Sifuna was part of a team of seven lawyers working under James Orengo to identify loopholes in laws that were being amended to concentrate greater power in the presidency, then held by Uhuru Kenyatta. The team’s objective was to stem the facilitation of authoritarian rule and unchecked corruption.
Sifuna has built a solid reputation for taking principled positions on civil liberties, legal rights and matters of justice. Raila recognised him as a person of substance and, in 2018, Sifuna became his trusted ally when he was appointed Secretary-General of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).
However, like many others, Sifuna did not support Raila’s decision to seek accommodation with President William Ruto following the Gen Z protests of 2024. He was publicly critical of the move, prompting a faction within ODM to call for his removal as secretary-general.
Raila firmly rejected those demands, insisting on several public occasions that ODM was founded on democratic principles that allowed for divergent views. That tolerance was not shared by Raila’s elder brother, Oburu Oginga, who moved swiftly following Raila’s death to remove Sifuna from the ODM hierarchy. The battle for the soul of ODM continues.
As for Kalonzo, I was not always his greatest admirer. Over the years, however, I have come to appreciate his strengths and to recognise him as a man who possesses a quiet dignity and integrity that are increasingly rare in Kenyan politics.
In addition to his legal qualifications and work as a Senior Counsel, Kalonzo has amassed extensive experience at the highest levels of public service.
He entered Parliament in 1985 at the age of just 32 as MP for Kitui North and later represented Mwingi North after the constituency was subdivided. He became an assistant minister the following year and was elected Deputy Speaker in 1988, the same year he was appointed Kanu’s national organising secretary.
He ran for president in 1997 and, over the years, held several Cabinet positions under both Daniel arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki.
Twice Minister for Foreign Affairs, he was involved in the Sudan peace process between 1993 and 1997 while also helping to establish the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Eastern Africa.
He played a historic role as a key regional mediator in both the Sudanese and Somali peace processes between 2003 and 2004.
Later, during the Uhuru administration, Kalonzo was appointed Special Envoy to South Sudan, where he successfully brokered a peace agreement between Salva Kiir and Riek Machar that led to the formation of a unity government, although that unity has since disintegrated.
Kibaki dismissed Kalonzo from his Cabinet in 2005 after he joined the “No” campaign against the proposed constitution, which was backed by Kibaki and would have expanded presidential powers.
Nevertheless, Kalonzo returned to favour in 2007 after finishing a distant third in that year’s presidential election. His candidacy, a breakaway from ODM-Kenya, was viewed by many as a betrayal of Raila’s own bid. Following the post-election violence, Kibaki appointed him Vice-President.
Yet little remains constant in Kenyan politics. In 2013, Kalonzo reunited with Raila under the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (Cord), setting aside his own ambitions to become Raila’s running mate in that year’s presidential election.
It was the first of an extraordinary three occasions on which Kalonzo subordinated his own aspirations in what he regarded as the national interest.
In 2017, he again served as Raila’s running mate under the National Super Alliance (Nasa) against Uhuru and his deputy, Ruto. Then, in 2022, despite having earlier declared his own presidential ambitions, Kalonzo once again stepped aside to support Raila. Few politicians anywhere can claim such a record of political sacrifice.
Kalonzo has been honoured on numerous occasions for his achievements. He has received two honorary doctorates: one from the Latin University of Theology in California and another from Kenyatta University, which cited his “achievements in peace-making, conflict resolution, sustainable community development and humanistic ideals”.
In 2016, the US-based humanitarian organisation We Care for Humanity honoured Kalonzo as African Dignitary Man of the Year during a ceremony at the United Nations headquarters in New York, recognising his extensive peace-building and conflict-resolution efforts in South Sudan.
Kalonzo has also applied his mediation skills at home, facilitating dialogue and promoting peaceful coexistence between members of the Kamba community and Somali residing in Mwingi.
He established the Kalonzo Musyoka Foundation, which has provided educational scholarships and drought-relief assistance to vulnerable households in Kitui and neighbouring semi-arid counties.
Throughout his political career, he has championed policies aimed at expanding access to higher education through the Higher Education Loans Board, while also supporting rural infrastructure development.
He remains an active patron of faith-based initiatives and community organisations, helping to foster unity and raise funds for local institutions.
Kalonzo is a man of consequence. And what does this country need more urgently than a leader who has been recognised for caring for humanity and who has demonstrated success in peace-building, conflict resolution, sustainable community development and the promotion of humanistic ideals?
Kalonzo and Sifuna, two men from different parts of the country, both of proven intellect and integrity, both of good repute, and both with longstanding commitments to justice and humanitarian causes — have the potential to form a partnership capable of transforming this nation.
And all the other also-rans, if they truly care about Kenya, should be prepared to join hands with them.
Ignore this at your peril.