As turmoil continues in DRC, Tshisekedi 'ready' to sit down with Kagame

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From left: Presidents Paul Kagame (Rwanda), Joao Lourenco (Angola) and Felix Tshisekedi (DRC). [Courtesy]

The war in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has claimed the lives of 7,000 people and displaced 450,000 others, according to Prime Minister Judith Suminwa Tuluka. The humanitarian situation is deteriorating by the day.

The conflict between the Rwanda-backed M23 movement and the DRC forces is intensifying, threatening to escalate into a regional conflagration, particularly after Kinshasa accused Kigali of deploying troops to fight alongside the Tutsi-dominated rebel group that has seized control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu Province, and Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu Province.

Uganda, which has been fighting the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces since 2021, has recently sent 1,000 soldiers to eastern Congo, where the group is based. Burundian forces are also fighting alongside their Congolese counterparts against the M23.

The UN Security Council has stated that “the situation in the DRC constitutes a threat to international peace and security in the region.”

It called on the “Rwanda Defence Forces to cease support to the M23 and immediately withdraw from DRC territory without preconditions” and urged both Kigali and Kinshasa to “return without preconditions to diplomatic talks as a matter of urgency to achieve a lasting and peaceful resolution to the protracted conflict in the region.”

The EU has urged Kigali to “immediately withdraw all RDF troops from DRC territory and cease supporting the M23 and any other armed group.”

“We urge Rwanda and all parties to the conflict to immediately cease all hostilities and return to dialogue,” said the bloc in a statement on February 21.

Similar calls for de-escalation from the leaders of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have so far failed to halt the war.

Kinshasa has severed diplomatic ties with Kigali and closed its airspace to Rwandan planes to protest its alleged involvement in the conflict.

On February 8, the EAC and SADC leaders emphasised that “political and diplomatic engagement is the most sustainable solution to the conflict” and called for the “resumption of direct negotiations and dialogue” between the DRC and Rwanda and between Kinshasa and the M23.

The leaders also called for an “immediate and unconditional” ceasefire and cessation of hostilities, the provision of humanitarian assistance, and the development of a security plan for Goma and its surrounding areas, among other measures.

They urged Rwanda to withdraw its troops from the DRC and for the DRC to neutralise the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which is composed of the remnants of the Hutus who perpetrated the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. “The escalating conflict and deteriorating situation in eastern DRC are a grave concern to the people and governments of East Africa,” said President William Ruto on January 27, 2025, after speaking to Felix Tshisekedi of the DRC and Paul Kagame of Rwanda.

He urged the two leaders to “heed the call for peace from the people of our region and the international community.”

On February 25, the UK government announced that it would review “export licences for the Rwanda Defence Force,” suspend future defence training assistance to Rwanda, and “pause direct bilateral financial aid to the Government of Rwanda, excluding support for the poorest and most vulnerable.”

The UK also stated it would “coordinate with partners on potential new sanctions designations.” “Rwanda may have security concerns, but it is unacceptable to resolve these militarily. There can only be a political solution to this conflict. We encourage the DRC to engage with the M23 as part of an inclusive dialogue,” said the UK’s Foreign Office.  The U.S. has imposed sanctions on James Kabarebe, Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Integration, accusing him of being “central to Rwanda’s support for the March 23 Movement, which the U.S. and the United Nations designate as an armed group.”

Rwanda has described the UK measures as “punitive” and “regrettable.”

“It is unreasonable to expect Rwanda to compromise its national security and the safety of Rwandans. The measures do nothing to help the Democratic Republic of Congo, nor do they contribute to achieving a sustainable political solution to the conflict in eastern DRC,” said Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation in a statement on February 25.

Rwanda further stated it would “continue to insist on security guarantees, which the DRC and the international community have so far been unwilling or unable to provide.” “This perpetual situation of instability seems to benefit, directly or indirectly, a number of those associated with the conflict,” said the ministry.

For decades, especially since the late 2000s, eastern Congo has been a region of suffering. Rights groups have accused foreign troops and international companies exploring minerals there of fueling the conflict.

The DRC, a nation of more than 110 million people, has already endured two wars—between 1996 and 1997 and from 1996 to 2003. Millions have died in these wars, with some referring to the 1996-2003 war as Africa’s World War.

In an interview with The Standard, Tina Salama, the spokesperson for President Felix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo, decried the lack of international action against Rwanda, saying the world’s “inaction in the face of these flagrant violations borders on complicity.”

She added that President Tshisekedi was “ready” to sit down with his Rwandan counterpart to resolve the conflict in eastern Congo. “President Tshisekedi, like all the Congolese people, is eager to live in peace with all our neighbours,” she said.

Here is the full interview:

What steps are being taken to reclaim areas seized by the M23 rebels? Will this be achieved through military force or diplomatic means?

President Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo has always prioritised the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country. Regarding the situation in areas occupied by the M23 rebels, he has chosen a strategy that combines military action with diplomatic efforts. While there have been setbacks on the military front, significant diplomatic progress has been made, particularly with the adoption of UN Resolution 2773, which for the first time identifies Rwanda as a destabilising force in the DRC. When we observe the strong reactions from the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union, as well as the reaction of the international community, which has been shocked by Rwanda’s destructive activities in the sub-region, we can clearly see that President Tshisekedi’s efforts are yielding results. I am confident that the DRC will emerge victorious in this struggle for truth against a Rwanda that has misled the world for years.

What measures have you taken against Rwanda, which you accuse of invading your country?

To date, the DRC has taken various measures to express its discontent with Rwanda. We have severed diplomatic relations with Rwanda, prohibited Rwandan aircraft from flying over Congolese airspace, and closed the borders with Rwanda. Furthermore, the DRC has actively urged the international community to impose sanctions on Rwanda. Specifically, we have advocated for targeted sanctions against the leadership of the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF), an embargo on the export of natural resources from Rwanda, the revocation of Rwanda’s designation as a troop-contributing nation for UN peacekeeping operations, and the imposition of transparency obligations on arms sales to Rwanda.

What is your government’s view on the M23? Is it a foreign terrorist group or a local rebel group with unaddressed grievances?

The government of the DRC considers the M23 to be a terrorist group. Unlike a local rebel movement motivated by internal or social demands, the M23 is first and foremost an armed group created and supported by the Rwandan state, whose objective is to plunder mineral resources and destabilise the DRC, particularly in the country’s eastern region. Rwanda’s responsibility in this conflict is now indisputable. Indeed, UN experts have confirmed that 4,000 Rwandan soldiers are providing direct and active support to the M23 terrorist group in its military operations in North Kivu. The UN has also estimated that some 3,000 people have been killed as a result of this conflict, underlining the gravity of the humanitarian situation and the dramatic consequences of Rwanda’s interference in Congolese affairs.

Is the DRC Government open to talks with the M23?

Yes, since the beginning of this crisis, the DRC has always shown great openness and a sincere commitment to resolving the issue of the East, both within the framework of the Luanda Process with Rwanda and the Nairobi Process, which was aimed at addressing national and international armed groups, including the M23. However, the M23 terrorists have abandoned the negotiation table in favour of a military option. On December 15, in Luanda, we were on the verge of concluding a historic peace agreement with Rwanda, but the Rwandan president failed to attend that meeting, only to invade the towns of Goma and Bukavu in defiance of the international community’s call for an immediate ceasefire. That aggression has clearly demonstrated Rwanda’s unwillingness to seek a peaceful solution to the crisis.

You have recently stated that President Tshisekedi will form a government of national unity. When will such a government be announced?

Indeed, the President had promised to appoint an expert to assist him in setting up this government of national unity. At this stage, I prefer not to go into details, but rest assured that everything is being done under the best possible conditions.

What is your response to Rwanda’s and the M23’s claims that the Congolese Government is persecuting Congolese Tutsis? And what is being done to resolve Tutsis’ concerns?

This is a completely unfounded claim, with no evidence to support it. Unlike Rwanda, where society is divided between a majority group of “bad guys” and another considered a victim, the DRC is home to 450 tribes, and none of them is in the majority. Today, Tutsis hold positions of responsibility in the Congolese government, such as the Ministry of Infrastructure. Furthermore, there are more Tutsi generals than any other ethnic group in the Congolese armed forces. If Rwanda is using false claims to justify its aggression against the DRC, including inhumane acts, such as killings, raping women, bombing Internally displaced people’s (IDP) camps and schools, and even killing UN peacekeepers or depriving children of education for three years, then what is the point of international law and international institutions, which are supposed to guarantee peace and security in the world? Rwanda has become a barbaric state that respects neither the rules nor fundamental rights nor the resolutions of the UN Security Council. The international community’s inaction in the face of these flagrant violations borders on complicity.

What is your response to Rwanda’s claims that the Congolese government is collaborating with the FDLR? What is being done to address the FDLR issue to allay Kigali’s concerns?

As part of the Luanda Process, the DRC government committed itself to resolving the FDLR issue. An agreement had been reached on a “Concept of Operations” (CONOPS) that required the DRC to neutralise the FDLR and Rwanda to withdraw its forces from Congolese territory. As I mentioned earlier, we were on the verge of finalising this agreement, but the Rwandan side tried to force the Congolese government to negotiate with the M23 first before the agreement could be concluded. The Rwandan authorities thus prioritised direct negotiations between the DRC and the M23, relegating the FDLR issue to the background, even though the Nairobi Process existed specifically to address this subject.

Clearly, Rwanda is using the FDLR as a pretext to justify its actions. Several joint operations between the DRC, Rwanda, and even the UN have already been carried out in the Kivu region to neutralise the FDLR. Today, the Rwandan-backed M23 controls a large part of North Kivu, yet the FDLR doesn’t seem to be a major topic of discussion. The truth is that the mining sites of Rubaya (Masisi) and Nyabibwe (Kalehe) are what they are interested in exploiting. According to the latest report by the UN group of experts, at least 150 tonnes of coltan have been fraudulently exported to Rwanda from the Rubaya mines, where the AFC-M23 has set up a parallel administration. These people are only there to plunder. The people are not their priority.

What are you doing to resolve the war in Eastern Congo?

Our current approach combines military action and diplomacy. Internally, we are also continuing our efforts to mobilise the people and raise awareness of the manipulation to which they could fall victim.

Is President Tshisekedi ready to sit down with President Kagame to resolve the problem in Eastern Congo?

Yes, President Tshisekedi, like all the Congolese people, is eager to live in peace with all our neighbours. On December 15, President Tshisekedi travelled to Luanda, Angola, specifically to discuss peace with his Rwandan counterpart, but the latter chose not to attend.

What are your views on the recent three-member team appointed by the African Union to resolve the row between Kinshasa and Kigali?

I have no comment to make on their appointment. The DRC remains firmly committed to peace and continues to seek all possible avenues for dialogue and peaceful solutions with its neighbours.

What is the government’s view on the Uhuru Kenyatta-led negotiations in particular and, more generally, President William Ruto’s recent initiative to contain the tension in Eastern Congo?

On the political front, we welcome the efforts of former President Uhuru Kenyatta, who has played a key role in regional initiatives to resolve the issue of armed groups, both national and international, operating in the DRC. In addition, President William Ruto, as the current chairman of the EAC, has played a commendable role. We hope African countries will be more involved and condemn Rwanda. We really want African problems to be resolved by African solutions.