'Little Mohamed' behind Sudan's violence makes Nairobi his base

For ages, he has painted himself as a champion of democracy and a patriot within the troubled Sudan nation. But his track record has repeatedly told a different story, the story of a brutal man full of hate.

Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, the General, better known as Hemedti, or ‘Little Mohamed’, is the leader and the face of one of the most feared militia groups in Sudan, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) wreaking havoc in the Eastern Africa nation.

Hemedti’s curious profile and association with Kenya has placed the country under intense global scrutiny.

As the leader of the RSF, he controls vast wealth and wields ruthless influence, but his path to power is paved with the shattered lives of those who dared to stand in his way, according to activists, civil society groups, the United States and United Nations reports.

The name Hemedti might sound endearing, a casual twist of Mohamed in Sudanese Arabic, but it has since become a name whispered in fear.

The “-ti” suffix, often used to soften a name, now stands in stark contrast to the man it defines: a warlord who turned from a humble camel trader into the most feared figure in Sudan. What once may have been a nickname of familiarity has become a chilling brand, stamped onto a legacy of violence, power, and bloodshed.

His forces have been accused of ethnic cleansing, massacres, and widespread sexual violence

Washington has imposed sanctions on Hemedti and companies funding the militia’s operations.

As the RSF plots its political future in Nairobi, its fighters under Hemedti, have turned Sudan’s villages into graveyards.

The BBC and local media houses reported that more than 200 civilians were butchered in a merciless three-day rampage, their homes reduced to ashes, their screams swallowed by the chaos and darkness.

The killings were not acts of war but cold, calculated slaughter, a signature of the RSF’s reign of terror.

Rape, torture, and ethnic cleansing have become the RSF’s calling cards, a militia baptised in blood and known simply as “the Arab militia.”

Born around 1974 into the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat community in Darfur, Hemedti grew up in a family of traders. But his story did not follow the quiet rhythms of commerce. Instead, he found his fortune in war, clawing his way up through bloodshed, betrayal, and unrelenting ambition.

Tall and commanding, his nickname once hinted at youthful charm; a stark contrast to the hardened warlord he would become, his name now carrying the weight of terror rather than innocence.

Hemedti’s grandfather, Dagalo, led a sub clan of the Mahariya Rizeigat, a nomadic Arab tribe that moved across the grasslands of Chad and Darfur. The Mahariya’s young camel herders, landless and marginalized in both countries, became key recruits in the Arab militias that spearheaded Khartoum’s counterinsurgency in Darfur. Hemedti himself hails from Sudan’s remote periphery, far removed from the traditional power circles of Khartoum. 

In 2013, Hemedti transformed the Janjaweed into the Rapid Support Forces, deploying them against the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-North in the Nuba Mountains, expanding recruitment, and laying the foundation for his eventual grip on power in Sudan.

“He has little formal education, dropping out of school in the third grade and later becoming a camel trader,” Al Jazeera reported while profiling Hemedti.

His life changed dramatically when his convoy was ambushed. About 60 of his relatives were killed, and his camels were stolen. Seeking revenge, he joined the Janjaweed, an Arab militia notorious for its brutal campaigns in Darfur.

Amid the bloodshed of the 2003-2005 Darfur war, described by the international community as a genocide, which claimed around 300,000 lives, Hemedti carved a name for himself in the ranks of the Janjaweed. Leading a brigade with ruthless efficiency, he quickly caught the attention of then-dictator Omar al-Bashir, who saw in him not just a fighter, but a loyal enforcer willing to do his bidding without question.

He quickly rose through the ranks, leading Janjaweed forces in counterinsurgency campaigns. By 2013, he had consolidated these militias under the RSF, turning it into a powerful paramilitary force. In return for his loyalty, al-Bashir granted him lucrative gold mining concessions, making him one of Sudan’s richest men.

According to media reports, Hemedti’s loyalty to Bashir came with rewards where he was granted autonomy and near-total impunity; he seized gold mines from a rival tribal leader in Darfur, securing the vast wealth that would fuel his rise to power.

“I am not the first man to have gold mines. It is true, we have gold mines, and there is nothing preventing us from working in gold,” Hemedti told BBC.

For years, Hemedti was one of al-Bashir’s enforcers. But in 2019, sensing the tides turning, he helped overthrow his long-time ally. He secured a key position in the transitional military government, using his RSF forces to maintain dominance. That same year, his fighters carried out a ruthless crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Khartoum, killing over 100 people in what became known as the Khartoum massacre. Survivors recounted horrifying stories of RSF fighters committing rape, torture, and mass executions.

Hemedti’s ambitions didn’t stop there.

In 2021, he joined forces with the military to oust Sudan’s civilian leaders, cementing his grip on power. But his uneasy alliance with General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of the Sudanese Armed Forces, quickly crumbled. A 2022 agreement to transition to civilian rule required the RSF to integrate into the regular army, something Hemedti refused to accept. Tensions escalated, and by April 2023, Sudan erupted into war.

Yet, despite these atrocities, he continues to cultivate ties with regional and international powers, sending mercenaries to fight in Yemen and negotiating with Western diplomats.

“General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, ‘Hemedti,’ is the face of Sudan’s violent political marketplace,” the World Peace Foundation describes him, adding,

“Hemedti’s career is an object lesson in political entrepreneurship by a specialist in violence. His conduct and (as of now) impunity are the surest indicators that the mercenarized politics that have long defined the Sudanese periphery have been brought home to the capital city. Hemedti’s Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary force led by Darfurian Arabs, and commonly described as Janjaweed, are today the dominant power in Khartoum.”

When 15-year-old Aisha fled Sudan with her mother, she left behind a world shattered by war. The RSF militia had turned their town into a nightmare, abducting women, slaughtering men, and setting homes ablaze.

For Aisha, survival meant walking for days without food, her mother’s trembling hand the only assurance she had left.

Aisha’s story mirrors that of countless Sudanese women and girls, many of whom have suffered unspeakable horrors.

Amnesty International has accused the RSF of waging a campaign of sexual violence against women as young as 12. Survivors have recounted being abducted from their homes, raped, and, in some cases, forced into sexual slavery.

“In one incident, RSF fighters took 24 women and girls to a hotel in Nyala, where they were raped repeatedly over several days. Most survivors had no access to medical care, and many feared reporting their abuse,” Amnesty reported.

After nearly two years of war between the RSF and Sudan’s army, the RSF holds most of western Sudan and parts of the capital, Khartoum, but has been losing territory to the army in central Sudan.

The United Nations has also sounded the alarm.

A fact-finding mission found evidence of war crimes, including rape, pillage, and forced displacement. In Darfur alone, over 10,500 civilians have been killed.

Survivors describe ethnic cleansing targeting non-Arab communities, with men executed, homes torched, and women subjected to brutal assaults.

Meanwhile in Nairobi, RSF yesterday abruptly cancelled a press briefing scheduled at a city hotel.

An event that the group had planned for Friday to announce plans to form a parallel government has also been pushed to Monday.

“The event has been cancelled after one of the speakers who was to be part of the guests to address the press conference had an issue with the airline, forcing cancellation of traveling. We apologise to you for this late communication, we shall call you for another press conference on Monday,” said an insider who coordinated an earlier event at Kenyatta International Convention centre on Tuesday.

On Tuesday, the RSF held a press conference at KICC but postponed an announcement on plans to form a parallel government.

Additional reporting by James Wanzala