Gen Z revolt, one year later

National
By Biketi Kikechi | Jun 16, 2025
Gen Z during the Gen Z Love Jesus Ministry night ‘Kesha’ in Nakuru on January 31,2025 which started at 9pm and 6am [Kipsang Joseph, Standard]

June 2024 remains a defining moment for the Church in Kenya after the Gen Z protesters threatened to occupy prayer houses and in the digital space to correct sloppiness that had crept there.

The youth turned out in astonishing numbers on several Sundays in June last year to remind members of the clergy to stop abetting corruption and idolising opulence.

The Gen Z protesters condemned what they saw as the cosy relationship between churches and political institutions. They vocally criticised the suspicious visits by Church leaders to State House, even during the height of protests.

In their demonstrations, Gen Z demanded an immediate end to the large harambees (politically motivated money donations) made by politicians to members of the clergy.

Harambee, a Kiswahili term meaning “let us all pull together”, has become deeply rooted in Kenya’s socio-economic fabric, especially for raising funds to support community self-help groups, or to assist individuals with school fees and medical expenses.

Ulterior motives

However, concerns have been raised about the misuse of these fundraising events, with allegations that politicians exploit them to appear philanthropic while masking ulterior motives.

When Gen Z gathered at the crosses of victims who succumbed during protests against The Finance Bill 2024 at Uhuru Park Nairobi  on July 7, 2024. [File, Standard]

Protesters and critics argue that politicians often carry large sums of cash, allegedly for church construction, school development, and other projects that should be funded by the government or religious institutions themselves.

Some claim the large bundles of cash flaunted by politicians at churches each weekend may be stolen public funds or laundered money from illicit dealings.

Politicians also reportedly use harambees as a campaign tool, taking advantage of church gatherings where congregants can be easily swayed for votes.

In their historic protests, Gen Z called for an end to these donations, describing harambees as a source of corruption, misuse of public funds, and the moral decay of both political and religious leadership. Just four days after the storming of Parliament on June 25, a harambee scheduled for June 29 at a church in Lavington, Nairobi, was abruptly cancelled.

The event, which was to be presided over by First Lady Rachel Ruto, marked the beginning of a shift.

A few days later, on July 5, President William Ruto bowed to youth pressure and announced that harambees had been stopped, acknowledging they had become breeding grounds for corruption.

Following the Gen Z protests and calls for government austerity, President Ruto addressed the nation on July 5, 2024 and announced that legislation would be introduced to end the practice.

“The Attorney General is hereby directed to prepare and submit legislation to that effect and develop a mechanism for structured and transparent contributions for public, charitable, and philanthropic purposes,” Ruto declared.

That directive, however, failed to yield results after Ruto invited ODM leader Raila Odinga to nominate members of his party to the Cabinet, effectively forming a so-called broad-based government.

Once assured of political protection from further Gen Z backlash, Ruto resumed the old practice of harambees.

Contributions amounting to millions of shillings every weekend at churches have reignited public debate.

The opposition and the majority of Kenyans continue to criticise the display of wealth, while pro-government politicians and some vulnerable communities support the donations.

Nyeri Archdiocese Archbishop Anthony Muheria and other senior Catholic clerics have repeatedly called on the government to respect and fulfil the demands raised by Gen Z during the June 2024 demonstrations.

In November last year, Nairobi Archdiocese Bishop Philip Anyolo instructed a Catholic church to return a Sh5 million donation from Ruto. He also rejected a bus the president had pledged to buy for the same church.

“I have been told by the chairman of the church committee that you are putting up a house for the Father. I will give Sh5 million for the project,” said Ruto while addressing congregants at Soweto Catholic Church, where he also donated Sh300,000 for liturgical dancers.

In March this year, ACK Archbishop Jackson Ole Sapit banned politicians from addressing worshippers inside ACK churches nationwide.

The Catholic Church also rarely permits politicians to speak from church pulpits.

However, the ACK’s position on harambees has remained ambiguous.

Highly publicised

Last year, Bungoma Governor Ken Lusaka addressed congregants in church while handing over a Sh5 million donation from Ruto to the ACK Bishop George Mechumo. This highly publicised event occurred shortly after the Catholic Church had rejected a similar donation.

Despite being jolted into action by the Gen Z protests and public backlash over cosy ties with the political class, many church leaders have slowly reverted to accepting large donations from undisclosed sources.

This year, Ruto and his Kenya Kwanza allies returned to harambees in full force. They are often seen on television carrying bags of cash, which are delivered to church pulpits.

In March, angry youth stormed and occupied Jesus Winner Ministry in Roysambu, Nairobi, after Ruto promised a Sh20 million donation to Bishop Edward Mwai for construction. He also pledged to give the church land previously owned by the Kenya Defence Forces and promised a further Sh100 million.

“Whenever we give, we do so to God. I’ve been trying to find where in the Bible it’s written that when you give to God, the bishops return it. I am a product of giving to God, and I’m unapologetic about it. I do it based on the firm foundation of scripture,” said Ruto.

He followed this up with a similar donation during a church service at the African Inland Church in Kapseret, near Moi University Law School in Eldoret. Both acts drew sharp criticism from Gen Z in frenzied online reactions.

In November last year, the Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops (KCCB) issued a strongly worded statement accusing the government of promoting a culture of deception and using harambees to bribe citizens.

A youth flees away from police officers' grip after he was arrested for protesting along Moi Avenue in Nairobi on June 02, 2024 when Gen Z mounted demonstration to call President William Ruto to resign. [File, Standard]

They also condemned the abduction and disappearance of individuals, human rights violations, and increased suppression of free speech.

The Church seemed to be reclaiming its prophetic voice after years of silence, stirring memories of figures like Ndingi Mwana a’Nzeki, David Gitari, Alexander Muge, Henry Okullu, and Timothy Njoya, who stood up for justice in the 1990s.

The KCCB statement triggered a swift response from government bodies, which issued late-night statements dismissing the bishops’ claims as baseless.

In reaction, Ruto urged leaders to be factual before making public statements that could embarrass them, echoing earlier dismissals from his senior aides who labelled the bishops’ assertions as false and misleading.

Nairobi politician Philip Kisia said the clergy must do more to help restore good governance in Kenya.

He argued that the Church should emulate “the spiritual five”— Ndingi, Muge, Okullu, Gitari, and Njoya —whose vocal advocacy in the 1990s helped drive democratic reform.

“The Church should step beyond the pulpit and press conferences and join Gen Z and millennials on the streets if they want to shape this government, and they should do so in honour of the spiritual five,” said Kisia.

He noted that figures like Njoya, Muge, and Gitari had a significant impact because they joined their congregations in street protests, urging other mainstream churches to follow the example set by the Catholic bishops.

Last year

President Ruto’s attempt to formalise harambees through legislation failed after Senators rejected a government-backed Bill to regulate public fundraising in November last year.

Key proposals included barring political aspirants from participating in fundraisers within three years of a general election.

Lawmakers argued that the Bill would undermine the communal spirit of harambees and leave many Kenyans, who depend on fundraisers for essential needs such as education and healthcare, without crucial support.

The Public Fundraising Appeals Bill, 2024, was tabled by Senate Majority Leader Aaron Cheruiyot and sought to limit the political misuse of harambees, as proposed by President Ruto.

Share this story
.
RECOMMENDED NEWS