Ruto, Githunguri and the heavy cost of defiling sacred Mau Mau ground

President William Ruto is brilliant and politically cunning. His brilliance, however, lands him into the trap of arrogance which disregards the concerns of others. The feeling of the Ruto disregard is particularly heavy in Mount Kenya region whose voters enthusiastically elected him only to feel betrayed.

 Among the reasons for people to feel betrayed and to grumble is the one that has socio-political and spiritual touch and is extremely egregious. With his wanton desecration of the sensitive  Githunguri socio-political shrine that incubated the Mau Mau War, Ruto appears to be courting curses.

 Religiously and spiritually linked conflicts tend to be intense, long lasting, emotive and can be destructive as each side seeks to protect its perceived core values. These include faith and identity. Religious tensions in India between some Muslim and Hindu groups have at times escalated into violence, including in places of worship. Historically, the Crusades saw European Christian armies clash with Muslim forces, followed by periods of retaliation often described as jihads.

 African anti-colonialists faulted Euro-cultural missionaries as tools of oppression and land dispossession. One place where Kenyans tend to link colonial exploitation with the destruction of their own values was Githunguri Teachers College where someone, probably the local Githunguri MP Gathoni wa Muchomba, might have persuaded Ruto to commit sacrilege by building his ‘Affordable Houses’ on the shrine.

Githunguri is second only to Mukurwe wa Nyagathanga in Kiharu, Murang’a, as being the spiritual origins and identity bedrock of the Agikuyu. Mukurwe, as Godfrey Muriuki would argue, was probably the consolidation and dispersal point of those who became Gikuyu. They, with time, went through governance revolutions and ended up with a structured but collective form of consultative government that, as of the Iregi generation, tolerated no dictatorship.

 They had prophets, mainly Mugo or Chege wa Kibiru who reportedly came from Ngai (God) and warned the people of the looming foreign rule by people who looked like butterflies and had sticks that spit fire. He advised them that freedom would come when they build a thingira at Githunguri kia Wairera.

 In the late 1930s, members of each of the nine clans contributed to the building of what became Githunguri Teachers College to train teachers for independent schools and most important was to build a university that would prepare the Africans for the independence that Peter Mbiu Koinange was sure was coming.

 Those who taught at Githunguri included such anti-colonialists as Jomo Kenyatta, Mbiu Koinange, James Gichuru, Achieng Oneko, and Julius Gikonyo Kiano. These were also regulars at Kiburi House where Kiano introduced his Alliance classmate, Mau Mau General Karari Njama. Despite the colonial government closing it during the emergency, Githunguri remained a revered cradle of anti-colonialism.

African spirituality

 The colonialists worked hard to destroy African spirituality and sources of identity. Whether deliberately or inadvertently, Ruto repeats the same error partly because he believes that his supposed brilliance permits him to do whatever he wants in Kenya, including rough-shouldering shrines such as Githunguri. Why would a man of Ruto’s purported brilliance desecrate himself by desecrating a shrine? The answer could be in his low opinion of the African Union, AU, as well as his admiration for Euro aristocracy and royalty.

 Like British colonialists, Ruto seems to have serious problems with the Agikuyu; he reportedly admitted it while campaigning to become president. One British official, Francis Hall, had dreamt of wiping the Agikuyu from the earth only to realise that he needed them. Hall died in 1901 after correctly predicting future confrontation between the British and the Agikuyu.

 In the lead-up to that confrontation, Githunguri became what Kinuthia Wamwangi described as “a site where courage, resistance and intellectual awakening converged to challenge colonial domination… and nurtured minds that refused subjugation.” Its value is embedded in the story of the nation’s birth and the dignity of its people. By developing Githunguri with houses, Ruto is compared to colonial officials, raising questions about whether he recognises the symbolism.

 Before the outbreak of the Mau Mau War in 1952, Githunguri had reportedly attracted such international visitors as Kabaka Edward Mutesa of Buganda, British MP Fenner Brockway, UN official Ralph Bunche and Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie. Those who ended up fighting in forests or detention camps had strong memories of Githunguri as preparation for anti-colonial struggle.

 Since Ruto, it appears, wants to wipe out those memories by building houses on the shrine, just as the British had done in razing down College buildings and turning the venue into a Mau Mau hanging place, he arouses memories of suffering during the Mau Mau War. There is also a feeling of abuse and betrayal of people struggling to balance hard times with national aspirations.

 In response to the alleged abuse of the shrine, several reactions emerged. Elders of the Maina and Mwangi trust raised concerns over what they consider a sacred place. People also questioned why the local MP would support the project on one of the most important shrines to the Mountain community.

 Political naivety

 She probably was under intense pressure to approve ‘national’ projects as price for remaining in good political books. If so, she proves herself as wanting and unable to protect national interests that happen to fall within her constituency. It remains to be seen whether her inability is due to miseducation or to political naivety.

 The project has also raised questions about the quality of Kenya’s leadership. Kenyans moved to court to stop it, and the court intervened. However, the most striking moment was police action at Githunguri. When elders went to pray, officers tear-gassed the pilgrims, including elderly worshippers, drawing widespread criticism and damaging the police image.

 Given that it was not the first time police disrupted prayers across Christian denominations and entered places of worship, the incident reinforced perceptions that Ruto is uneasy with public prayer.

 This contrasts with his carefully cultivated image as a devout, Bible-quoting leader who donates heavily to church projects. The contradiction between a leader who projects faith and one associated with institutional disruption, including churches, leaves many questioning which Ruto truly is.

 The contradiction between Ruto as man of prayers and Ruto who desecrates shrines or places of worship damages his dream of greatness. Rather than blessings, he instead attracts loud and silent curses from the affected.

 He is not alone since he suffers the same problem as US President Donald Trump who compares himself to Jesus and, as Pope Leo XIV observed, entertains “delusions.

 In 2022, politician Martha Karua challenged Ruto, warning against what she termed performative faith. She said Christianity is measured in deeds, urging leaders to show love, avoid pride and threats, and embrace humility. The remark underscored the gap between public declarations of faith and conduct. In that framing, the question of humility remains central to how leadership is judged.

 Like Trump, Ruto is tragic. Both men aspire for greatness but their chosen policies undermine their ambitions. Ruto repeatedly shows insensitivity to Kenyans even as he seeks approval from the Euros and other extra-continental forces. Feeling threatened by Fred Matiangi’s, Riggy G’s, and Edwin Sifuna’s rising popularity, he mounted political campaigns everywhere. These included extending his housing project to the Githunguri shrine.

 It seemingly backfired because, although he reportedly is bright, he lets his brilliance blind him. To stop courting curses, Ruto needs help.