Big man syndrome: Patronage has been the formula for resource allocation

Politics
By Brian Otieno | Jun 08, 2025
President William Ruto at State House, Nairobi, hosted leaders and businessmen from Siaya County and appraised them of the government’s projects in the region. [PCS]

Amid backlash over his shareholding remarks, which equated the government to a corporation that would prioritise communities that voted for it, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua fought back.    

The people from the Mt Kenya region had voted President William Ruto into office, and so they deserved the significant share allocated to the region in Dr Ruto’s government.

Later, when he faced Parliament in his impeachment trial, Gachagua would defend himself, saying Ruto’s Kenya Kwanza Alliance had been founded on the shareholding principle.

“I have been talking about power sharing, for people to get what they deserve in sharing power according to this agreement,” he told the National Assembly last October.

In the said arrangement, Western Kenya would get 30 per cent of Cabinet slots if Ruto were to bag 70 per cent of the vote. National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula earned his position courtesy of this coalition agreement, as did Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi.

Gachagua’s remarks then once again highlighted the fact that political patronage still played a role in the distribution of top State jobs. Indeed, regions that vote in favour of the ruling government have usually received the most slots.

It was the case with Ruto’s. Mt Kenya, which comprises the four counties of the former Central Province, Embu, Meru, Tharaka Nithi, Laikipia and Nakuru, contributed 2.9 million votes to Ruto’s 7.1 million votes. That amounts to 40.8 per cent of Ruto’s total tally.

The ‘reward’ was great for Mt Kenya, which reaped nine Cabinet slots (37.5 per cent of 24, excluding the President and his deputy) in Ruto’s initial Cabinet. In the next announcement, announced last July in the wake of the youth-led uprising, Mt Kenya’s slots were reduced by one to eight, but because Deputy President Kithure Kindiki earned a promotion from his former Interior docket and Gachagua’s ouster.

Ruto’s native backyard in Rift Valley comprising Uasin Gishu, Elgeyo Marakwet, Nandi, Baringo, West Pokot, Kericho and Bomet granted Ruto 1.6 million votes, 22.5 per cent of the President’s tally. Ruto would appoint four cabinet secretaries from this region in both Cabinets.

The two regions dominated the initial list of principal secretary positions, 27, which is more than half of the total. The other regions were left to share out 24 slots. Mt Kenya produced 15 of the principal secretaries, which translates to a third, with Ruto’s backyard allocated 12 (23.5 per cent).

Many have criticised the Head of State’s appointments as failing the regional balance threshold. Last December, the Kenya Human Rights Commission faulted the President for violating the Constitution.

“Any attempt by Ruto to unilaterally select cabinet members without reflecting the diversity, equity, and inclusivity mandated by the constitution undermines the people’s sovereignty and the principles of democracy. Such actions contravene the public's trust and obligation to exercise power in their interest,” the KHRC said.

Such concerns, which highlight a deeply-rooted culture of rewarding loyalty with positions and, in effect, encouraging marginalisation, have been ignored. Communities considered the opposition are mostly sidelined.

And Presidents will dish out positions to new allies in the hope that they will win over the regions where they come from. It is, undoubtedly, the case with former Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement, which has bagged five cabinet positions since Ruto and Raila shook hands last July.

They have also secured leadership positions in Parliamentary committees and other appointments in State and Government agencies. Machakos Deputy Governor Francis Mwangangi termed the practice “negative” and said that nothing would change much even if the President were to appoint technocrats.

“As long as he is the appointing authority and can fire them at will, he can micromanage whoever holds a cabinet position,” said Mwangangi.

Former President Uhuru Kenyatta also faced similar accusations, although his appointments were not as skewed as Ruto’s. Mt Kenya and the Rift Valley produced four cabinet secretaries each in Uhuru’s administration.

In 2013, Uhuru appointed cabinet secretaries whom many considered technocrats, inspiring hope that ethnic considerations would be a thing of the past.

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