Tanzania political crisis: Chadema breaks its silence on mass graves

Tanzania has cancelled next month’s Independence Day celebrations, a move interpreted as a response to planned nationwide demonstrations against the disputed re-election of President Samia Suluhu. This comes amid mounting calls for international investigation into post-election violence that left scores dead. In an exclusive interview with The Standard Investigations Editor Francis Ontomwa, Chadema Head of Information Gerva Lyenda speaks from a safe house for the first time since going into hiding.

Q: In October, just before the elections, you made the decision to go underground. What exactly made you feel your life was at risk?
 
A: I never imagined a day would come when I would be forced to flee my own home in search of safety, when my motherland would become so hostile that I would essentially become a political exile. It is the worst feeling, living on the edge, never sure if you will see the next day. And it’s not just me.

Many CHADEMA leaders at different levels, as well as ordinary citizens, have been living through the same fear. Even some CCM figures have not been spared.

Look at Ambassador Humphrey Polepole, an outspoken government critic, he was picked up, and the only trace left behind was bloodstains at his residence.
The turning point came when I noticed strange people trailing me on three different occasions near my home and workplace. That was when I made the difficult decision to disappear into a safe house. It was the only way to stay alive

And how has that affected your personal and political life?

I can assure you, it has been incredibly tough. I’m already battling an active case that the authorities have opened against me and eight others, including my vice chair John Heche. They claim the courts ruled CHADEMA should not “play politics,” and that our team has supposedly defied that order.
Living under these conditions means I have no real freedom, not to live like a human being, not to associate freely with my family or friends. That is my life now: restricted, monitored, and overshadowed by fear. It has disrupted both my wellbeing and my political work in ways I never imagined.

Let’s shift focus to the current situation in your country. There are media reports of mass graves in some areas following the killing of many people during the elections. Is this accurate? What does Chadema know, and how many people do you believe died?

It’s heartbreaking. Right now in Tanzania, families are burying a piece of clothing or a shoe because they know their loved one is dead, yet they cannot trace the body. In our traditions, families need something to bury for closure, and they are being forced into that because their relatives died in the skirmishes and disappeared without a trace.
We have credible reports of mass graves in the Kondo and Mbweni areas of Dar es Salaam, and others in Arusha, Mwanza, Geita and Mbeya. It is not normal to see police guarding cemeteries, forests, and open spaces that people previously used freely, now suddenly marked as no-go zones. There is clearly more happening than what the authorities want the public to see. Our own independent investigations show that thousands were killed in the protests.
That is why we have been calling for an independent investigation by a credible body.

President Suluhu has already instituted a commission of inquiry to investigate the deaths and human rights violations that occurred during the polls, chaired by retired Chief Justice Mohammed Chande Othman. Why are you opposed to this process?

How can we trust a process led by someone tasked with investigating the very government that empowered them? It simply doesn’t make sense. If we are truly committed to uncovering the truth, then what Tanzania needs is an independent and credible investigation, one free from government influence or interference. Only then can the findings be trusted.

The President has cancelled Independence Day celebrations amid calls for countrywide protests. Is Chadema financing these anti-government demonstrations?

A: They have tried and are still desperately trying to link us to the financing of these protests. They have looked for every possible way to place Chadema at the centre, but they have found nothing. The truth is simple: these protests are entirely organic. They are driven by ordinary citizens who are dissatisfied with bad leadership and are demanding change.
Chadema is nowhere near the organisation or financing of these demonstrations. We have never called for protests. Our role was to expose what is wrong and highlight what must change. What you’re seeing now is citizens acting on their own convictions. Any attempt to blame Chadema is nothing more than cheap state propaganda. 
 
 We’ve heard some voices calling for talks between CCM and CHADEMA. Is that something you are considering?

As Chadema, our position is very clear: CCM is illegitimately in office, and that stance will not change. Everyone knows there was no genuine election in Tanzania. They simply installed themselves, and imposed their authority on the people. So as CHADEMA, there is nothing to dialogue about. First, we did not participate in the elections; secondly, we did not have rifles to kill our people. So what exactly would we be dialoguing about?
Our top party organs will soon issue a clear position on our next steps.”

In your view, why did the government shut down the internet, and how much of a blow was it to the opposition’s mobilisation?

This was an all-time low, especially in a modern era. The intention was clear: to cut off communication among citizens and isolate Tanzania from the global community.

They wanted to create an information blackout so that international media could not monitor what was happening, giving them room to brutalise our people without scrutiny.
The shutdown wasn’t about security but all about silencing the nation and hiding the truth.

Following increased international media scrutiny, government spokesperson Gerson Msigwa now accuses some international media outlets of being biased. What is your comment?

That accusation is completely way off base. Everyone knows that our local media cannot freely report on this issue, and it’s unfortunate that Tanzanians are learning about their own country from international platforms. For him to question the credibility of respected global media houses is laughable. It is pure daydreaming.
Back home, the government muzzles local media by threatening their licenses and now he imagines he can regulate or intimidate international outlets? It’s unrealistic and exposes the government’s growing insecurity rather than any real bias.

What is the philosophy behind the slogan “No Reforms, No Elections” that your party has been championing?

This slogan emerged after we realised that the dream of securing a new constitution was fading. So we narrowed our focus to a few urgent issues that had to be addressed before any credible election could take place. We identified key electoral reforms that must be implemented first.
For example, under the current constitution, you cannot challenge the presidential results once the chairperson of the electoral commission announces the winner and remember, this chairperson is appointed by the President. How worse can it get? With such a structure, you cannot speak of free or fair elections. That is the philosophy behind “No Reforms, No Elections.”

Some observers have pointed to similar patterns of repression across the East African region in Kenya, Uganda, and now Tanzania. Are we regressing democratically?

Unfortunately, yes. It’s a pity that we have taken this unfortunate trajectory. Our leaders cannot stand dissent. If, even for a moment, our founding President Julius Nyerere were to return to Tanzania, I doubt he would want to be associated with the current CCM. He was a man who deeply believed in democracy. He said a nation thrives on competing ideas; he encouraged public debates and valued different perspectives.
What we see today in much of Africa  especially in our region is the complete opposite of what he stood for. We are witnessing a serious democratic backslide.

With so much confusion and heartache in a country once touted as a bastion of peace, what will it take to restore Tanzania and guarantee a better life for its citizens?

We have a lot of work ahead of us. Tanzania is a blessed country, rich in resources, with a climate that supports agriculture and the capacity to produce almost every major crop.

Yet we still import the most basic commodities: sugar, wheat, cooking oil, you name it. Our problem is not potential; it is the absence of visionary leadership.
But despite everything, I remain hopeful. I believe that one day we will liberate our country from dictatorship and regressive leadership. Tanzania will rise again and when it does, it will be because its people refused to give up on the promise of a better future.