Kenya's AUC performance proof of its rising diplomatic influence

Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga is ready for the Mjadala Africa tomorrow after going through rehearsal at African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa.[FILE]

Raila Odinga’s performance in the African Union Commission (AUC) elections sends an unmistakable message: Kenya’s diplomatic clout in Africa has grown under the deft stewardship of Musalia Mudavadi and Noordin Haji. Despite operating in an arena riddled with deep-seated religious, linguistic, and geopolitical divides, Kenya made unprecedented strides that solidify its continental influence.

The assumption by local politics and pundits that AUC elections are won purely through lobbying ignores the institution’s history as a battleground for Africa’s entrenched divides - Francophone versus Anglophone, Muslim-majority versus Christian-majority, North versus sub-Saharan Africa. The AUC chairpersonship has never been awarded on merit alone but has always been the subject of regional and confessional power-brokering. Expecting two envoys to single-handedly dismantle this systemic reality misinterprets how power functions at the continental level.

Competition between Muslim-majority and Christian-majority states is an undercurrent that subtly influences major AU elections. Francophone Africa, predominantly Muslim, has historically coalesced around candidates who align with their strategic interests, often to the disadvantage of Anglophone Christian candidates. This played out during Raila’s bid, just as it did during Amina Mohamed’s failed attempt under Uhuru Kenyatta’s administration. However, unlike Amina’s bid, which suffered an early defeat, Mudavadi and Haji’s expedition secured significantly more ground, with Kenya gaining a stronger continental presence and diplomatic leverage than before.

Raila encountered implicit resistance from Muslim-majority states keen on maintaining influence within the AU. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation quietly lobbied against his bid, while the Sahelian bloc — led by junta governments increasingly aligning with Arab League interests — remained sceptical. This religious calculus played out in Amina Mohamed’s campaign as well where Kenya struggled to counterbalance Francophone Africa’s preference for a candidate more aligned with their worldview.

However, the diplomatic groundwork laid by Mudavadi and Haji has set Kenya on a firmer footing than before. Their efforts resulted in securing 34 pre-summit endorsements, a remarkable improvement from previous attempts. Unlike Amina’s campaign, which saw Kenya largely isolated after the first round of voting, the Raila  bid demonstrated that Kenya’s diplomatic strategy had evolved, winning more allies and positioning Kenya as a key player in African diplomacy for future contests. The reality is that Kenya’s latest performance is not a failure, it is proof of the country’s rising diplomatic influence in the face of an increasingly fractured continent.

Beyond intra-African fractures, Western powers continue to manipulate these divisions to serve their geopolitical interests. The AU remains an arena where the US, the Gulf states, the European Union, China, and former colonial powers exert influence through financial incentives and diplomatic maneuvering. France, for instance, still maintains substantial sway over Francophone Africa, often ensuring that candidates from its sphere of influence secure key AU positions. Meanwhile, Gulf states such as Qatar and Saudi Arabia have deepened their involvement in African politics, subtly backing candidates who align with their broader strategic aims.

Kenya, with its robust diplomatic credentials, must develop a long-term strategy to counterbalance these external forces. However, the progress seen in the latest bid compared to Amina’s attempt suggests that we are gradually learning how to navigate these complex power plays more effectively. In a landscape where Western and Gulf actors continue to exert influence, Kenya’s increasing ability to marshal African support signals an important shift in its diplomatic positioning.

It is essential to recognise that Mudavadi and Haji were navigating two distinct but interconnected roles in this process. Mudavadi, as Prime Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Affairs CS, had the job of anchoring Kenya’s foreign relations in a diplomatic framework that emphasised trade partnerships and historical alliances. Haji, as the National Intelligence Service (NIS) Director General, was focused on national security interests, ensuring that any continental engagements aligned with sovereignty imperatives, particularly in the face of rising threats from extremist movements and geopolitical shifts in the Horn of Africa.

Their efforts, while unable to secure an outright victory for Raila, ensured that Kenya remains a formidable contender in continental politics. The goodwill, alliances, and regional influence accumulated through this bid position us favourably for future engagements, an outcome that Amina’s campaign did not achieve at the same scale. Unlike in the past when Kenya’s efforts faded into diplomatic oblivion, Mudavadi and Haji’s work has won the country better returns and heightened its credibility on the continental stage.

We must also recognise that the controversy surrounding Kenya’s AUC bid reflects a deeper dysfunction within the AU itself. The organisation remains hamstrung by regionalism, religious factionalism, and foreign manipulation. Instead of scapegoating envoys, African nations must confront uncomfortable truths – one, the AU’s electoral process remains opaque, prioritising regional rotation over meritocracy. Two, external actors continue to exploit Africa’s divisions, undermining genuine continental unity. And three, religious and linguistic alliances still dictate major decisions, to the detriment of merit-based leadership selection.

For Kenya to improve its standing in continental politics, it must invest in sustained, year-round coalition-building rather than reactive episodic diplomatic missions of prior years. Furthermore, Africa as a whole must address the rising sectarian and ideological divides that continue to undermine collective progress. Until these fractures are addressed, no amount of diplomatic maneuvering will be enough to “deliver” continental unity.

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