Gold and money deals: Are Kenya-RSF 'golden ties' fuelling the war in Sudan?

National
By Standard Team | Apr 14, 2025
A jeweller in a shop in the Sudanese capital Khartoum's gold market in its downtown district on June 20, 2019.  [AFP]

Accusations of gold smuggling involving Sudanese militias and Kenyan officials have cast a harsh light on Nairobi’s murky relationship with a group accused of committing atrocities in Sudan’s ongoing civil war.

The scandal gained traction after former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua claimed that President William Ruto is enabling illicit flow of gold from Sudan to global markets, a charge that has ignited a political firestorm and raised serious questions about Kenya’s role in the conflict.

Gachagua has gone so far as to call for international sanctions, directly linking Ruto to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a Sudanese paramilitary group accused of widespread human rights abuses. The RSF, in February, signed a charter in Nairobi to form a rival government in Sudan, a move that has further inflamed tensions between the two nations.

Gachagua claims that President Ruto is actively supporting the RSF due to his personal business ties with Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, the RSF commander, also known as Hemedti. Dagalo stands accused of orchestrating genocide in Sudan, and Gachagua alleges that their operations are intertwined with a gold smuggling network that uses Kenya as a transit point to funnel gold to the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

According to Gachagua, gold is trafficked from Sudan through Nairobi and then onwards to Dubai with the ="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001513858/sudan-bans-importation-of-kenyan-products-for-hosting-rsf">president’s tacit approval<, which in turn fuels the RSF’s arms purchases and money laundering activities.

“The president has put his personal and commercial interests ahead of the country’s interests,” Gachagua told reporters in a recent press conference.

Transit hub

The gold smuggling reports have emerged at a particularly sensitive time, as the Kenyan government itself has identified the UAE—particularly Dubai—as a major conduit for illicit financial flows into Kenya. The Financial Reporting Centre, a National Treasury agency, has reported that suspicious transactions originating from Somalia, the UAE, and South Africa dominate flagged cross-border activity. Other sources of concern include Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and North America.

Kenya is described as both a destination and a transit hub for these illicit funds, with over $1 billion (Sh129 billion) exiting the country in 2023—more than double the amount that entered.

“In 2023, the total number of Cash Transaction Reports received was 11,079, representing a 9.1% increase compared to the previous year, which had 10,159,” the agency’s report stated.

Adding to the intrigue, President Ruto held talks with Dagalo at State House, Nairobi, on January 3, 2024. Just over a week later, on January 13, 2025, the President flew to Dubai, where he signed a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. This was after Emirati ruler Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan reportedly declined an invitation for a State visit to Kenya.

While it remains unclear whether these meetings were related, the timing and sequence of events have raised eyebrows and fueled speculation about the nature of the relationship between Kenya, RSF, and UAE.

Ruto’s allies have dismissed Gachagua’s accusations as reckless. However, Gachagua has doubled down on his claims, insisting that he facilitated Hemedti’s 2023 visit to Kenya at Ruto’s personal request only to be ="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/explainers/article/2001512156/explainer-sudans-rsf-and-its-ties-to-kenya">excluded from their private meeting<.

“I introduced him, and I was told to leave because it had nothing to do with Kenya,” Gachagua said. “If it had anything to do with the country, I would have sat in that meeting.”

Joseph Mugachia, a governance expert, observes that Kenya has experienced a series of diplomatic challenges since President William Ruto’s election in 2022, which have tarnished its reputation on the international stage.

“The Ruto administration is making Kenya look like a warmonger, and we could face sanctions for promoting violence in another country at any time,” Mugachia warned.

The central question remains: Why would Kenya’s ruling elite align themselves with a group accused of committing war crimes?

Blood gold

According to numerous reports on the conflict in Sudan, the answer lies in the lucrative gold business. The RSF effectively controls a gold empire, holding sway over a country that ranks as the third-largest gold producer in Africa. The militia group controls some of the country’s richest gold mines.

In 2022 alone, Sudan exported over $2 billion worth of gold, much of it allegedly smuggled out of the country through illicit networks to the United Arab Emirates.

Many observers believe that Kenya’s ruling elite now seek a share of this “blood gold,” which explains their willingness to host the RSF.

While Sudan burns, Kenya has rolled out the red carpet for warlords accused of genocide, an act that has drawn international condemnation.

This alleged gold smuggling syndicate is believed to be financing the civil war in Sudan, which has already claimed the lives of an estimated 150,000 people since the conflict erupted on April 15, 2023.

The RSF’s activities in Nairobi marked early steps in the militia group’s move towards establishing its own breakaway government, a development that has further destabilized the region.

The United Nations Security Council has expressed concerns about Kenya’s involvement in the Sudan war.

Neutral platform

Sudan followed suit with a statement regretting the Kenyan government’s disregard for its obligations under international law, the charter of the United Nations, and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Khartoum accused Nairobi of hosting the signing of a “political agreement” between the Janjaweed militia—which it considers a terrorist group responsible for ongoing acts of genocide in Sudan—and its affiliated individuals and groups.

Although President Ruto has yet to respond directly to these claims, Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi has defended Kenya’s role in hosting the RSF and Sudanese civilian groups for talks, asserting that these discussions align with Kenya’s commitment to providing neutral platforms for conflict resolution.

Mudavadi, who also heads the Foreign and Diaspora Affairs docket, was quoted in a section of the media saying that Sudanese groups have previously sought peace solutions in neighbouring countries, making Kenya’s involvement neither new nor partisan.

“Indeed, in January 2024, parties and stakeholders of the Sudanese conflict met in a neighbouring country to chart a way forward on inclusive dialogue and a return to civilian rule,” Mudavadi said.

However, Kenya is being drawn deeper into the geopolitical firestorm surrounding Sudan’s bloody civil war, as a landmark case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) threatens to expose Nairobi’s quiet engagements with a militia accused of genocide.

Sudan’s military-led government has accused the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of “support and complicity in genocide,” alleging that Emirati support enabled RSF to commit atrocities against the non-Arab Masalit people in West Darfur.

In February, the paramilitary group held a press conference in the Kenyan capital, unveiling plans for a rival Sudanese government.

The move outraged Khartoum, which recalled its ambassador, banned Kenyan imports, and accused Nairobi of legitimizing a group it blames for war crimes.

Mudavadi denial

While President Ruto’s government has defended the meetings, the optics are troubling. Analysts warn that Kenya’s perceived openness to RSF figures could erode its image as a regional neutral peace broker.

“It complicates Kenya’s diplomatic posture,” said Mugachia. “By allowing the RSF to operate on Kenyan soil, even unofficially, Nairobi risks being seen as complicit or, at the very least, partisan.”

After holding meetings in Nairobi in February, Mudavadi denied allegations that RSF had established a rival administration.

“It is important to reiterate that no parallel government for Sudan was formed in Nairobi. Kenya abhors the balkanisation of sovereign states and supports a unified Sudan for the people of Sudan,” he said.

Sudan’s military regime, however, saw the Nairobi meeting as an implicit endorsement of the RSF’s political ambitions.

The Sudanese government ="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001513669/kenya-put-to-task-over-camaraderie-with-rsf-leaders-in-restless-sudan">responded by banning all Kenyan imports<, including tea, through a directive issued by acting Trade Minister Omar Ahmed Mohamed.

“The import of all products coming from Kenya through all ports, crossings, and airports will be suspended until further notice,” the statement declared.

As Sudan’s army regains territory from the RSF, Nairobi finds itself in a precarious position.

The RSF, led by Hemedti, insists it is a legitimate political force representing civilian interests. Its leaders say their Nairobi-based “government-in-exile” will push for democratic transition in Sudan.

But critics argue the initiative is a calculated attempt to whitewash the group’s wartime record. 

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